Hello and Namaste from Nepal!

We’re thrilled to bring you our latest edition of Nepali Dias Express, your trusted weekly digest of what’s happening back home, why it matters, and how it connects to Nepalis living around the world.

This week, we’ve seen a lot. Nepal promised the diaspora a vote (but hasn’t figured out how), insurance companies are drowning in claims from the protests, NEPSE fell off a cliff, Pokhara’s tourists are packing their bags, and Europe is scheming with Russia’s frozen assets.

Let’s talk it through.

Nepali Updates

1. Can You Finally Vote From Abroad? Maybe. (Deep-Dive)

So here’s the big one for us in the diaspora: the Home Minister says Nepalis living abroad will be able to vote in the next election, except, it’s not clear how.

The Supreme Court actually told the government way back in 2017 to make it happen. Years later, nothing’s really moved. And now, the Election Commission has a draft bill that says maybe we could vote through embassies, but only under “proportional representation” (that’s the party vote, not picking your local candidate).

The real problem is, how do you get countries like Qatar or Saudi Arabia to agree to have thousands of Nepalis lining up at their embassies to vote when their own people can't?Talk about awkward!

So yes the promise is there, but until they figure out the “how,” it’s still more dream than reality. And that’s our focus for today. And that’s exactly what we’re digging into today; how Nepal could actually make this happen, and what lessons we can steal from countries that have already tried (and sometimes failed).

Keep scrolling for the full piece!

2. Protests = Rs 20 Billion in Damage Claims

Last week, the youth-led protest shocked the entire world and this week, the financial bills are shocking insurance companies

Insurance companies have been hit with almost 20 billion rupees in damage claims. We're talking about huge names like Bhatbhateni, Kantipur, and even Rastriya Banijya Bank that had its gold stolen.

And Nepal Reinsurance Company (the one that backs up all the other insurers) now owes Rs 11.77 billion.

3. NEPSE Just Had Its Worst Day

If you have any money in the Nepali stock market, are you ok? we really hope you weren't looking at your phone on Thursday because the market was an absolute disaster. The NEPSE index dropped by 6% in a single day, wiping out a staggering 2.68 kharba rupees from the market (Rs. 268 Billion)!

It was so bad that the market’s “circuit breakers” kicked in three times. Basically, when things get too crazy, trading gets paused. But every time they restarted, the index fell harder, until the market just shut down for the day. This is the most classic case of panic selling you're ever gonna see.

Right now, we're all just holding on for dear life and hoping this new interim government can sort things out.

4. Tourists Cancel on Pokhara

Just when Pokhara was finally starting to breathe after COVID, the protests had to come along and scare off all the tourists. Around 40% of trekking bookings have already been canceled. Hotels are saying September is a total bust, and October isn't looking much better. It's all about perception.

Even though the protests were only a couple of days and no tourists got hurt, those images of burning streets on social media sent a clear message that "Nepal isn't safe." And when tourists see fire literally everywhere, of course they’ll cancel their trips.

For Pokhara, trekking is lifeblood and it's really brutal for the guides, porters, and hotel staff who depend on that income. It feels like they just can't catch a break.

Global Updates

1. Europe’s Trick With Russia’s Money

So you know how the EU has all that frozen Russian money from the invasion? Well, they're trying to figure out how to use €210 billion worth of Russia’s frozen assets to help Ukraine, but with a twist. They've cooked up a new plan to give Ukraine a huge "reparation loan" backed by those assets. Basically, Ukraine won't have to pay the loan back until Russia pays them for the war damage. It's a pretty smart way to get around the "pro-Moscow" Hungarian government, which has been throwing a hissy fit and vetoing every other plan. They're basically saying, "Hey, if you don't wanna play, that's cool, we'll just do it ourselves."

2. France on Strike (Again)

Over in France, things are getting spicy. People are absolutely furious with President Macron and his new prime minister over their plans for budget cuts and austerity. Think massive strikes and protests with hundreds of thousands of people, including teachers, train drivers, and even pharmacists. They're not just mad about the new budget; they're also protesting the pension age increase that happened a while back. The unions are out there saying, "It's the streets that must decide the budget," which, you know, is a pretty epic line. It's a real political mess, especially since Macron's government is already struggling to get anything passed in parliament.

3. Trump vs. TV Networks

This one is wild. Trump is back at it, celebrating the fact that ABC suspended Jimmy Kimmel indefinitely. Kimmel got pulled off the air after he made some comments about the murder of a conservative influencer, which didn't sit well with the Trump administration. Trump is now saying that TV networks that give him "negative" coverage should "maybe" have their licenses taken away. This is a direct threat to free speech, and it's got a lot of people in Hollywood and Washington freaking out. Even former President Obama chimed in, saying it's taking "cancel culture to a new and dangerous level."

4. Taliban Bans Internet in Northern Afghanistan

And finally, in a truly dystopian move, the Taliban has banned fiber-optic internet in a huge chunk of northern Afghanistan. Why? To "prevent immoral activities." It's their first internet ban since taking over in 2021, and it's a huge blow to people there. While they can still use mobile data, it's way slower and more expensive. So much for trying to get an education or run a business online. It's just another step in their ongoing mission to control everything, from what people wear to what they can watch online. It's ridiculous, and honestly, pretty sad to watch.

DEEP DIVE

The Home Minister Just Promised Diaspora Voting — Could It Really Happen?

Recently, Nepal’s Home Minister, Om Prakash Aryal, stood before the press and said the words every Nepali living abroad has been longing to hear: "Nepalis abroad will be able to vote."

For a second there, it felt like the earth had shifted.

But then, he just kinda shrugged and hit us with the punchline: “It’s just not clear how.”

And that's when the high-five we were all ready to give turned into a collective sigh. 

And in a way, we get it. You can't really blame him for not having a perfect answer right now, because the process itself is just so ridiculously complex. We’d be wading into a swamp of problems we’ve barely even thought about. Like getting our own political parties to agree on a fair framework when they already don't trust each other, figuring out the sheer nightmare of managing an election for millions of people spread across the globe, and convincing foreign governments to actually let us hold elections on their soil. It’s a huge risk, and the stakes are quite high.

But, if we are to get real about this, how would we even begin? What does a workable plan for Nepal actually look like? And honestly, is this a genuine promise of change, or just another one of those empty political soundbites designed to make us feel good until the next election comes and goes?

Why This Matters So Much

The scale of Nepal’s diaspora is staggering. Millions of Nepalis live in over 110 countries, and these are the same workers whose sweat keeps remittance figures sky-high, year after year, contributing over a quarter of Nepal’s GDP

Yet politically, they are invisible. Isn’t it absurd to think that a young man in Sydney can pay for his parents’ medical bills, but he cannot vote for the party that promises to build a hospital nearby. What a mismatch; their money counts, but their voices don’t.

This is not just about fairness either. It’s also about democratic legitimacy. A democracy that excludes such a massive part of its citizens is incomplete. Which is why the Supreme Court, as far back as 2017, said this must change.

But saying something must change and figuring out how to do it are two very different things. So what are Nepal’s actual options?

What Options Do We Have?

In-Person Voting at Embassies

The most common way is the simplest: people abroad show up at their country’s embassies or consulates and cast their vote, just like they would at a polling station back home. 

For Nepal, this sounds neat. It’s secure, it mirrors what we already do inside the country, and it builds on institutions that already exist. But the problem is, Nepal’s embassies are tiny compared to the size of the diaspora. Picture tens of thousands of Nepali workers in Qatar trying to cram into a single embassy building on election day. Forget orderly lines, the scene would be unmanageable. Capacity is the dealbreaker here.

Postal Voting

Another method is voting by mail. Registered voters receive ballots through the post, fill them in, and send them back.

In theory, postal voting makes sense for Nepal. It’s relatively cheap and can reach people in faraway corners where embassies don’t exist. But in practice, it bumps into a glaring issue: postal services in the countries where most Nepalis work are weak and unreliable. Think of a ballot getting stuck in a dusty office in Doha or going missing entirely. Add in risks of tampering and verifying voter identity, and suddenly what looks efficient turns risky.

Electronic and Internet Voting

The futuristic option is online voting. Estonia has become the poster child for this method, letting citizens log in and vote from anywhere in the world. For younger, tech-savvy Nepalis, the idea of clicking a button on a phone rather than standing in a line is almost too good to resist.

But let’s be real. Nepal has zero experience running elections electronically. Jumping into internet voting would mean building expensive cybersecurity infrastructure and taking on risks of hacking, system crashes, and even coercion. Estonia pulls it off, but only because it has invested huge sums in digital governance for decades. Nepal is not there yet.

Proxy Voting

Some countries allow citizens abroad to nominate someone at home to vote on their behalf. India tried moving in this direction in 2018. But the model was quickly criticized because how do you ensure the proxy is actually voting as instructed? What if coercion or manipulation comes into play? In the end, proxy voting often undermines the very principles of a secret and free ballot.

Special Polling Centers or Return Voting

There’s also the idea of setting up dedicated polling centers outside embassies, or requiring overseas citizens to fly home just to vote. Both sound impractical. Host countries, especially in the Gulf, are unlikely to allow foreign political activities on their soil. And asking a migrant who barely earns enough to send money home to buy a plane ticket just to cast a vote does not seem so logical, does it? 

Clearly, none of these choices are simple. So, maybe it helps to see how other countries have tried, and sometimes failed at the same challenge.

Lessons From Other Countries

Nepal isn’t starting from scratch here. Other countries have already tried, failed, and adapted. Here’s a look at some of their stories:

India

India, meanwhile, has tried for years to bring in its Non-Resident Indians (NRIs). But despite a massive diaspora, less than one percent of eligible NRIs participate in elections. Why? Because the rules still require them to physically be in India to vote. The law technically exists, but the practice is hollow.

But it’s not all doom and gloom. Some countries have figured out clever ways to make diaspora voting work.

Estonia

If you want to see how far diaspora voting can go, look at Estonia. Since 2005, Estonians abroad have been able to vote online, and by 2023 more than half of all ballots were cast digitally. The system works because every citizen has a secure digital ID, and votes can even be changed during early polling to prevent coercion. It’s expensive, but it proves that strong digital infrastructure can make online voting both secure and convenient.

France

France went in the opposite direction and gave its diaspora almost everything. Citizens abroad can vote in presidential and legislative elections, and they even elect 11 MPs reserved just for overseas constituencies. Voting methods range from consulates to postal ballots, internet voting, and proxies, with registration automatic through consular lists. In 2024, North America alone had more than 259,000 French voters. The message is clear: the diaspora counts.

Sweden

Sweden demonstrates how context drives turnout; its 2022 elections hit 84 percent overall, with non-citizens showing higher participation when national elections were held simultaneously. 

Basically, the successful countries figured out that one system isn’t enough. They offer a menu of options (online, by mail, or in person) so people can pick what’s best for them. Estonia shows us that tech can actually build trust. France proves that when the government makes an effort to represent its diaspora, people feel valued. And Sweden reminds us that when elections feel important, turnout goes up. The real lesson is simple here, remove the barriers and people will participate.

But the harder question is can Nepal actually pull this off, given its track record?

Is It Even Realistic For Nepal, Though?

This is where optimism runs into hard history. Nepal’s Supreme Court already ruled back in 2017 that diaspora voting must happen. It even spelled out the conditions: Nepalis abroad who hold citizenship, haven’t taken another country’s passport, have voter IDs, and are registered with diplomatic missions should be allowed to vote.

Still, eight years later, not a single ballot has been cast from abroad. The Court has had to remind the Election Commission again and again, but nothing has moved.

Elections are set for March 2026, and time is running out. There’s a draft bill, but all it really says is that embassies might help with voting. It doesn’t explain how that would actually work. 

So when the Home Minister says “you will be able to vote,” history tells us to pause. Because Nepalis abroad were technically promised this right eight years ago.

So what’s stopping it from happening this time? Let’s talk about the obstacles Nepal faces on the ground.

Obstacles Ahead

Beyond the legal framework, there are other equally messy realities to confront.

Host countries, especially in the Gulf, may not permit large-scale foreign voting operations. Diplomatically, this is a hard sell. Even if permission is granted, embassies are already stretched thin. Staff who handle visas and labor disputes would suddenly be expected to run polling stations for tens of thousands of voters.

Then comes politics. Nepal’s parties have a deep distrust of each other. Each worries diaspora votes could swing results in ways they don’t like. Without broad political consensus, reforms risk being weaponized.

And finally, there’s awareness. Migrants need to know exactly how the ballot system works, where they can vote, how they can register, and what deadlines to follow. Clearing this confusion is more important than you’d think. Just look at Bangladesh. A student in Ireland was eager to vote in the national polls, but he couldn’t figure out the process and never got help from his embassy. In the end, he couldn’t vote at all. Many other Bangladeshis abroad shared the same story; missing their chance simply because nobody told them how.

How Can We Pull This Off?

If Nepal is serious, certain pieces have to fall into place. Political parties need to agree on a fair framework that nobody thinks is rigged. The rollout should be gradual, starting with a few countries before expanding further. Diplomatic deals with host countries, especially in the Gulf, are non-negotiable. And above all, there must be massive investment in voter education so Nepalis abroad actually understand how, when, and where to participate.

Final Thoughts

At the end of the day, the right to vote from abroad isn’t new. Nepalis abroad already won that right in court back in 2017. What’s missing is not the “if,” but the “how.”

The Home Minister's words gave us hope, but without a clear roadmap, they're just another headline that will fade. But we do have lots of models we can try out. 

The ball is in Nepal’s court, and now all we can do is wait and watch and hope for the best.

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